By Peter Cole, Brian McQuinn
This booklet bargains a singular, incisive and wide-ranging account of Libya's '17 February Revolution' through tracing how severe cities, groups and political teams helped to form its path. every one group, even if geographical (e.g. Misrata, Zintan), tribal/communal (e.g. Beni Walid) or political (e.g. the Muslim Brotherhood) took its personal course into the uprisings and next clash of 2011, in keeping with their very own histories and courting to Muammar Qadhafi's regime.
The tale of every crew is instructed through the authors, in keeping with reportage and professional research, from the outbreak of protests in Benghazi in February 2011 via to the transitional interval following the top of combating in October 2011. They describe the emergence of Libya's new politics during the exact tales of these who made it take place, or those that fought opposed to it.
The Libyan Revolution and its Aftermath brings jointly major reporters, teachers, and experts, every one with vast box adventure amidst the constituencies they depict, drawing on interviews with combatants, politicians and civil society leaders who've contributed their very own account of occasions to this quantity.
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Additional resources for The Libyan Revolution and its Aftermath
Sample text
While post-revolutionary countries always present a tabula rasa— and Qadhafi’s jamahiriyya particularly so—this vacuum is often seized upon by competing factions whose fates were affected by the revolution. In Libya, the ability to shape the political landscape and fill this vacuum was a race against time: a window of opportunity to restructure and refashion political and social institutions and economic arrangements before the disintegrative, centrifugal forces of subnational or supra-national loyalties—whether tribal or geographical, linked to circles of patronage or to Islamic movements—could assert and consolidate themselves.
While this was palatable to social sensibilities, in reality there were severe demands for administrative decision making on all aspects of daily life throughout the revolution. Some of the 17 February Coalition, led by Mismari, remained outside and at times critical of the new body with varying degrees of influence and success. Mugharbi left the NTC with a group of lawyers, writers, intellectuals, and political activists to join the think-tank styled Consultative Support Group, based at the Libyan International Medical University.
Although Qadhafi had insisted that his system of popular committees and congresses embodied a perfect and decentralised democracy, this experimentation had systematically destroyed not only the necessary institutions of a modern democratic polity, but also the supporting norms and arrangements—trust in the system, interpersonal trust, the willingness to provide guarantees to those who lose out in political contestations—that sustain democratic systems. Qadhafi’s nullification of all forms of affiliation—the country’s tribal system, labour unions, civil society organisations, and organised Islam—that had traditionally provided alternative forms of identity and allegiance to citizenship meant that the NTC and its backers encountered a low sense of political community and a sauve-qui-peut attitude among Libya’s citizens.