By Hakan Thorn
This e-book seems at anti-apartheid as a part of the background of current international politics. It offers the 1st comparative research of other sections of the transnational anti-apartheid stream. the writer emphasizes the significance of a historic standpoint on political cultures, social activities, and international civil society. examining part of twentieth century post-war heritage mostly from a sociological viewpoint it additionally highlights dimensions of globalization in an period within which we nonetheless dwell; the facility of the media; and the facility of collective motion.
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This publication appears to be like at anti-apartheid as a part of the heritage of current worldwide politics. It presents the 1st comparative research of alternative sections of the transnational anti-apartheid flow. the writer emphasizes the significance of a historic viewpoint on political cultures, social routine, and worldwide civil society.
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Additional resources for Anti-Apartheid and the Emergence of a Global Civil Society (St. Antony's)
This involved the two interrelated strategies of trying to influence established media, and to develop alternative media. The rise of the transnational anti-apartheid movement was parallel in time, and was indeed part of, the mediatization of politics, which followed the changes in the media structure in societies all over the world, beginning in the 1960s. 46 This is not only a space for the immediate transmission of news across the globe, but also a site of political struggle, where different political actors, through symbolic actions, are trying to influence opinions (such as in the case of, for example, Greenpeace).
Where is the border drawn between what is possible to argue and what is not? Thus, an important focus when analysing media discourses that construct conflict scenarios involving social movements is the representation of the different actors – in this case the anti-apartheid movement (in its broadest sense, in South Africa and internationally), the South African police and the government, other governments, international bodies such as the UN, corporations and established political parties in the different countries.
Further, two of the most important organizations in the transnational solidarity network, IDAF and the British AAM, had their base in London. 57 The extensive financial support to the ANC from the Swedish State, under the rule of Social Democrats as well as non-socialist coalitions, could partly be understood in relation to contacts between ANC leaders and young Social Democratic and Liberal internationalists in the 1950s and 1960s. However, it was also the result of pressure from the Swedish anti-apartheid movement, which emerged in the early 1960s and continued to put pressure on the government until the first democratic elections in South Africa.