By Alexander Beresford

South Africa's present political upheavals are the main major because the transition from apartheid. Its robust alternate unions are taking part in a primary function, and the political course they take could have large value for a way we comprehend the position of labour events in struggles for social justice within the twenty-first century.

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As we will now see, it was a shift that would open up even deeper divides between the rival factions and allegations that one side were uncritical ‘sweethearts’ of the ANC, while the other was driving a sinister agenda with alien ‘agent provocateurs’. Ideological blurring and the nationalist– populist backlash NUMSA has declared that the factional divide within COSATU is quite simple. It argued that the internal battles consuming COSATU were between ‘two forces’ including ‘those who continue to support the ANC and SACP with their neoliberal agenda and those who consciously fight for an independent, militant federation’ (NUMSA 2014b).

Just how does a sangoma is [sic] today still able to convince sections of the working class that bullets turn into water if you have used ‘intelezi’ [traditional plant medicine], is something that we should no longer be talking about in a hush-hush manner but should openly engage. He continued by arguing that the events at Marikana ‘should send a very clear message that there is a sustained attack and offensive against COSATU in particular’. Nzimande carefully avoided blaming the killings 38 South Africa’s Political Crisis on the ANC government or the police, even going as far to bemoan ‘the cheap politicking by the parliamentary opposition in trying to lay the blame at the door of government and narrowly the police’.

22 South Africa’s Political Crisis and have been able to grasp the new opportunities available to them in the post-apartheid era (such as those offered by affirmative action policies), other sections of the workforce have been left behind by these developments. This has opened up what workers and shop stewards regularly refer to as a generational divide, but what more accurately reflects a growing class divide within the union rooted in unequal levels of mobility between the (generally younger) relatively well-educated and skilled sections of the workforce and the (generally older) manual ‘labourers’.

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