By David Butterfield

This is often the 1st distinct research of the destiny of Lucretius' De rerum natura from its beginnings within the 50s BC all the way down to the construction of our earliest extant manuscripts in the course of the Carolingian age. an in depth research of the data of Lucretius' poem between writers through the Roman, and for this reason the medieval, worlds permits clean perception into the work's readership and reception, and an overview of the worth of the oblique culture for enhancing the poem. the 1st prolonged research of the a hundred and seventy+ topic headings (capitula) that intersperse the textual content unearths the shut engagement of Roman readers. A clean inspection and assignation of marginal palms within the poem's most crucial manuscript presents new proof in regards to the paintings of Carolingian correctors and the foundation for a brand new Lucretian stemma codicum. extra rationalization of the interrelationship of Renaissance manuscripts of Lucretius offers extra proof of the poem's reception in fifteenth-century Italy

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Extra info for The early textual history of Lucretius' "De rerum natura"

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Vind. 118 As regards the more interesting evidence of Politian’s marginal annotations in Laur. 29, the other primitive readings found in these annotations (see Reeve (2005, 145) for a significant number) could be derived from χ, although their absence from other sets of corrections that I attribute to a collation of χ render it more probable that they were drawn directly from O. 62cap. 149cap. 269cap. 85 Iphianassai (if not drawn from Prisc. Inst. GLK II 285,11), 412 magnes, 649 haberet and 711 longi, all but the first of which are manifestly impossible, could only have been drawn from O or χ.

390. 37 The extant Lucretian manuscripts copied from that of o (Vat. Pat. 312),114 was closely worked on in the 1450s (or perhaps 1440s) by one or more skilled Latinists who somehow had access to Lucretian readings antedating π. There are, however, no definite signs that the corrector(s) of φ had direct access to O: instead, we find a number of significant oversights from that manuscript, even in the earliest stages of codices constituting the φ group. The most natural explanation for how this cognisance of non-π readings arose is that the mediaeval MS χ was recollated, or less probably re-copied, in the 1420s or 1430s (a possible date will be given below).

Pat. 312) and x (Malatest. Ces. S 20 4); the readings of the φ group (on which see the close of this chapter), which demonstrate frequent emendation and contamination, require more careful analysis. 871 (in Qπ : ni O : nil Pontanus) is from coincidental conjecture in π. 23 The extant Lucretian manuscripts OQS (itself bipartite) and π. On the basis that Murbach possessed a copy of Lucretius from the ninth century,70 it was conjectured that the manuscript Poggio found in a locus . . satis longinquus (cf.

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