By Paul Bergne
A brilliant heritage of the beginning of a state. while the Russian Revolution broke out in October 1917, a lot of critical Asia used to be nonetheless governed by way of self reliant rulers equivalent to the Emir of Bukhara and the Khan of Khiva. by means of 1920 the khanates were remodeled into People's Republics, and, in 1924, Stalin re-drew the frontiers on ethno-linguistic traces developing, among different statelets, the Soviet Socialist Republic of Uzbekistan - the land of the Uzbeks. however the Uzbeks weren't the one major ethnic crew in the new Uzbekistan's frontiers. An older humans, the Tajiks, shaped a substantial a part of the inhabitants. This ebook describes how, usually within the tooth of Uzbek competition, the Tajiks won, first an self sufficient oblast inside of Uzbekistan, then an independent republic, and at last, in 1929, the prestige of a whole Soviet Union Republic. as soon as the Tajiks had obtained their very own republic, they started to collect a countrywide identification and nationwide delight. the recent executive had not just to outlive the civil battle that the revolution yet then to construct a wholly new state in an immensely inhospitable terrain. New frontiers needed to be wrested from neighbours, and a brand new cultural identification, ''national in shape yet socialist in content'', needed to be created. This booklet is the 1st documentation of the way the assumption of a Tajik kingdom got here into being.
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Example text
These observers were not only shocked by the extreme poverty of the local population but concerned at the impact such a dire state of affairs might have on Russia’s reputation as a benevolent ruling power, should details of the situation ever leak out. This seemed quite possible since, as Snesarev noted, large numbers of the Ismailis of the region were fleeing across the frontier into Afghanistan and British-ruled Chitral. A. 13 For their part, starting in 1901, the Ismaili population of the Western Pamirs repeatedly sent letters to the authorities in the Turkestan Governorate-General asking to be rescued from the Bukharan begs (local officials).
Disturbances in Khojand and Jizzakh developed into a full-scale uprising which then spread to Semirechye. Russian and local officials of the imperial government, as well as Russian settlers, were attacked and killed. Russian troops were dispatched to bring the situation under control, while Russian settlers organised themselves into selfprotection vigilante groups. By the time order was restored, some 3000 Russians had been killed. The Central Asian, especially Kyrgyz, losses were far higher. Exact figures are not available but according to some estimates the population of Turkestan fell by 275,000 during this period, while another 300,000 are thought to have fled to China.
Ayni even wrote the words for a patriotic “Turan March”. Some modern Tajik historians such as Rakhim Masov see the exclusion of Tajiks from the political process as part of an intentional policy developed by panTurkic members of the political elite in the TASSR, an expression of the Turkic ascendancy described above. In their view, this elite was determined, with the help of Tatar, Bashkir and other Turkic representatives of the new Soviet regime, and with co-opted Turkish prisoners of war still stuck in the region after the end of the First World War, to create a new Soviet but Turkic state in Central Asia on the ruins of the pre-communist structures.