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As early as the end of July 1974 responsible members of the Department were well aware, therefore, of the manner in which East Timorese assent to integration would be engineered. This information was appropriately and as a matter of course conveyed to Whitlam. Tjan himself visited Australia prior to the prime minister’s journey to meet with Suharto, and officials seek to persuade him, they believe successfully, to delay the covert operation in East Timor until after the leaders had conferred (Way 2000: Doc.

Given the extremely small Timorese elite and the very low level of development of the territory there may have been some justification, perhaps, in taking the view that the East Timorese were in no position to manage their own fate. In the space of 12 months it became apparent, first, that a political leadership had emerged with a coherent programme and widespread acceptance among the population, and second, that the Portuguese meanwhile had demonstrated that they had neither the capacity nor the intention to sustain the programme of decolonization they had affirmed in February 1975 and which had envisaged independence in October 1978 (Gorjão 2001a).

A Labor Party sub-branch taking an interest in the Timor issue has to be restrained. Stories in the Australian press – some by Bruce Juddery and Michael Richardson, remarkably prescient as it turned out – are noticed chiefly for their capacity to inflame Indonesian sensibilities. In a submission to the caretaker foreign minister, Andrew Peacock, Renouf observes that regarding the present turbulence in relations with Indonesia, ‘many of the problems which have arisen have been caused by the well-publicized activities of private Australian groups’ (Way 2000: Doc.

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