By Rainer D. K Bruchmann
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114 Only about a quarter of these were mounted for display in the museum, but the rest were preserved for research purposes and continue to be used as such today. While trophies embodied the African landscape and the adventures one could find there, narratives supplied the action and the interpretive framework. 116 Most of these travelogues ran to 400 plus pages, with some, particularly in the 1880s, reaching 800 or more. In addition, accounts of hunting could routinely be found in newspapers and magazines.
96 North-eastern Rhodesia and British Central Africa, on the other hand, were promoted as offering a less expensive and less artificial experience than in East Africa where ‘the fitting out of safaris . . 97 The association of central Africa with a rougher style of travel gave the hunting in those territories its own cachet that was distinct from the increasing glamour of the East African safari. When one considers that the safari industry itself employed ‘white hunters’, who ranged in social status from cash-strapped aristocrats to middle-class settlers, it becomes clear that while hunting was restricted to a small minority, it was not an activity solely restricted to wealthy elites.
Hunting during the Scramble Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, imperial efforts to consolidate control, increase profits and standardize white access to cheap labour made it simpler, faster and generally more comfortable for Western hunters to reach game-rich territories, but that in turn The Rise of African Big Game Hunting 27 facilitated the decimation of animal populations. These shifts along with the new preservation legislation that colonial governments began implementing in 1900, transformed the sport of hunting in the span of a few decades from a commercial enterprise pursued by European and African men into a leisure-based industry designed to serve wealthy, white men and women.