By Robert Fatton Jr

Black cognizance in South Africa offers a brand new viewpoint on black politics in South Africa. It demonstrates and assesses seriously the unconventional personality and aspirations of African resistance to white minority rule.
Robert Fatton analyzes the improvement and radicalization of South Africa's Black awareness stream from its inception within the overdue Sixties to its banning in 1977. He rejects the commonly authorized interpretation of the Black recognition stream as an completely cultural and racial expression of African resistance to racism. as an alternative Fatton argues that over the process its life, the circulate built a progressive ideology able to hard the cultural and political hegemony of apartheid. The Black cognizance move got here to be a synthesis of sophistication information and black cultural assertiveness. It represented the ethico-political weapon of an oppressed classification suffering to reaffirm its humanity via lively participation within the loss of life of a racist and capitalist approach.

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Extra resources for Black consciousness in South Africa: the dialectics of ideological resistance to white supremacy

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James Turner, Director of Africana Studies at Cornell University and Editor of the SUNY Series in African Politics and Society, who read the manuscript with care and offered many valuable suggestions. My debt to others who contributed to the making of this book is considerable. My former teachers, Lee Roy Berry, Peter Moody, Michael Francis and Gilburt Loescher generously directed and encouraged me during my undergraduate and graduate years. An acknowledgment of gratitude is also due to Daniel Britz, Bibliographer of Africana at the Northwestern University Library for guiding me through the maze of South African documents and materials.

The realisation of the Charter is inconceivable, in fact impossible, unless and until these monopolies are first smashed up and the national wealth of the country turned over to the people. The breaking up and democratisation of these monopolies will open up fresh fields for the development of a prosperous Non-European bourgeois class. 61 Mandela's conscious or unconscious confusion of the people's interests with those of a potential black bourgeoisie derived from Page 19 his preference for black initiatives within a nonracial capitalism over a classless socialism.

It embodied a populism bent on equalizing life-chances: ''The Page 18 material wealth beneath the soil, the banks and monopoly industry shall be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole. The land (shall be re-divided) amongst those who work it. 59 But that these objectives were not in themselves revolutionary, let alone Marxist, was clearly stated by Mandela: Whilst the Charter proclaims democratic changes of a far-reaching nature it is by no means a blueprint for a socialist state but a programme for the unification of various classes and groupings amongst the people on a democratic basis.

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