By Ilda Lindell
A part of the groundbreaking Africa Now sequence, Africa's casual staff explores the deepening approaches of informalization and casualization of labor which are altering livelihood possibilities and stipulations in Africa and past. In doing so, the e-book addresses the jointly equipped responses to those adjustments, proposing them as a massive size of the modern politics of casualness in Africa. It is going past the standard specialise in loved ones 'coping options' and person kinds of company, by means of addressing the transforming into variety of collective enterprises by which casual 'workers' make themselves seen and articulate their calls for and pursuits. The rising photograph is that of a hugely different panorama of organised actors, reflecting the good range of pursuits within the casual economic system. this gives grounds for tensions but in addition possibilities for alliance. The e-book additionally explores the radical pattern of transnational organizing through casual staff, accumulating case experiences from 9 international locations and towns throughout Sub-Saharan Africa, and from sectors starting from city casual merchandising and repair supply, to casual production, informal port paintings and cross-border trade.Africa's casual employees is a lively and well timed exam of the alterations in African livelihoods as a result of deep and ongoing fiscal, political and social alterations.
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Additional resources for Africa's Informal Workers: Collective Agency, Alliances and Transnational Organizing (Africa Now)
First, the 1983 Human Resources Deployment Act required every able-bodied person to work, and established the nguvu kazi itinerant trader licence; this restrictive legislation was subtly ‘reinterpreted’, effectively conferring a ‘right to work’ on citizens (Tripp 1997: 187). Second, the Sustainable Dar es Salaam Project (SDP), a strategic planning project supported by UNDP and UN-Habitat, heralded a participatory approach to city planning, and the city consultation in 1992 defined ‘petty trading’ as one of nine critical urban issues (Rutsch 2001).
Vulnerable groups in the informal economy may be in need of strong allies, particularly considering that their organizations often struggle with lack of recognition and political clout. And in some instances, trade unions seem to provide informals and their organizations with a platform for dialogue with other relevant actors and for widening their arenas of influence (see chapters by Boampong and Jordhus-Lier, this volume; Lindell 2008b). But such an alliance between informals and trade unions is not to be seen as natural, given or permanent.
Alternatively, informals are seen as mere victims at the receiving end of global processes. The perspective that we adopt here differs from these conceptions. First, while certainly experiencing the pressures and challenges posed by global forces, people in the informal economy are active agents rather than passive victims in the face of these forces and sometimes organize collectively in response to them. Second, while some of these organized responses take place at the local/national level, informal actors increasingly organize internationally, becoming international actors in their own right (Lindell 2009).